Free Essays on Cranston

In Maurice Cranston’s essay, Human Rights: Real and Supposed, the author proposes the idea that there are legal rights and there are moral rights and one is significantly distinct from the other. Rights should also be divided into political and civil rights and social and economic rights. While what he includes in his assessment of valuable rights – life, liberty and due process of law – are among some of the most very basic rights, he dismisses the idea of social and economic rights because they simply â€Å"do not make sense.† Cranston believes that political and civil rights are the only legitimate human rights because they can be enforced through legal action. Just because most social and economic rights are not readily enforced by legislation does not mean that they should not be secured as valid human rights. Cranston is implying that a right to clean air and water or adequate food and shelter should not be considered human rights because these things are not easily enforceable. To hold this stance is to seriously deny numerous important human rights. Cranston also argues the point that â€Å"if it is impossible for a thing to be done, it is absurd to claim it as a right. He uses a very weak example of paid holidays for everyone in the world to support a very forceful theory. In comparison o other proposed human rights, the right to paid holidays seem menial. Solely because these rights are not easily attainable on a universal basis should not preclude that they should not be guaranteed as rights. The whole concept of human rights would be nullified because many imposed rights cannot be guaranteed universally. For example, it is hard to argue that all people have a right to life. Murders continue to occur despite of this right and despite of legislation enacted to guarantee this right. We can not conclude that simply because some people are deprived of their right and we can not prevent this depravation from occurring 100 p... Free Essays on Cranston Free Essays on Cranston In Maurice Cranston’s essay, Human Rights: Real and Supposed, the author proposes the idea that there are legal rights and there are moral rights and one is significantly distinct from the other. Rights should also be divided into political and civil rights and social and economic rights. While what he includes in his assessment of valuable rights – life, liberty and due process of law – are among some of the most very basic rights, he dismisses the idea of social and economic rights because they simply â€Å"do not make sense.† Cranston believes that political and civil rights are the only legitimate human rights because they can be enforced through legal action. Just because most social and economic rights are not readily enforced by legislation does not mean that they should not be secured as valid human rights. Cranston is implying that a right to clean air and water or adequate food and shelter should not be considered human rights because these things are not easily enforceable. To hold this stance is to seriously deny numerous important human rights. Cranston also argues the point that â€Å"if it is impossible for a thing to be done, it is absurd to claim it as a right. He uses a very weak example of paid holidays for everyone in the world to support a very forceful theory. In comparison o other proposed human rights, the right to paid holidays seem menial. Solely because these rights are not easily attainable on a universal basis should not preclude that they should not be guaranteed as rights. The whole concept of human rights would be nullified because many imposed rights cannot be guaranteed universally. For example, it is hard to argue that all people have a right to life. Murders continue to occur despite of this right and despite of legislation enacted to guarantee this right. We can not conclude that simply because some people are deprived of their right and we can not prevent this depravation from occurring 100 p...

Analysis of The Handsomest Drowned Man in the World

Analysis of The Handsomest Drowned Man in the World Colombian writer Gabriel Garcà ­a Mrquez (1927-2014) is one of the most important literary figures of the 20th century. Winner of the 1982 Nobel Prize in Literature, he is best known for his novels, particularly One Hundred Years of Solitude (1967). With its juxtaposition of ordinary details and extraordinary events, his short story The Handsomest Drowned Man in the World is an example of the style for which Garcà ­a Mrquez is famous: magic realism. The story was originally written in 1968 and was translated into English in 1972. Plot In the story, the body of a drowned man washes up in a small, remote town by the ocean. As the people of the town attempt to discover his identity and prepare his body for burial, they discover that he is taller, stronger and more handsome than any man they have ever seen. By the end of the story, his presence has influenced them to make their own village and their own lives better than they had previously imagined possible. The Eye of the Beholder From the beginning, the drowned man seems to take on the shape of whatever his viewers want to see. As his body approaches the shore, the children who see him imagine he is an enemy ship. When they realize he has no masts and therefore cant be a ship, they imagine he might be a whale. Even after they realize he is a drowned man, they treat him as a plaything because that’s what they wanted him to be. Though the man does seem to have some distinctive physical characteristics on which everyone agrees namely his size and beauty the villagers also speculate extensively about his personality and history. They reach agreement about details like his name that they couldnt possibly know. Their certainty seems to be both a part of the magic of magic realism and a product of their collective need to feel that they know him and that he belongs to them. From Awe to Compassion At first, the women who tend to the body are in awe of the man they imagine he once was. They tell themselves that if that magnificent man had lived in the village†¦ his wife would have been the happiest woman and that he would have had so much authority that he could have drawn fish out of the sea simply by calling their names. The real men of the village fishermen, all pale in comparison to this unrealistic vision of the stranger. It seems that the women arent entirely happy with their lives, but they do not realistically hope for any improvement they just fantasize about the unattainable happiness that could have been delivered to them only by this now-dead, mythical stranger. But an important transformation takes place when the women consider how the drowned mans heavy body will have to be dragged across the ground because it is so large. Instead of seeing the benefits of his enormous strength, they begin to consider that his large body might have been a terrible liability in life, both physically and socially. They begin to see him as vulnerable and want to protect him, and their awe is replaced by empathy. He begins to seem so defenseless, so much like their men that the first furrows of tears opened in their hearts, and their tenderness for him also equates to tenderness for their own husbands who have begun to seem lacking in comparison to the stranger. Their compassion for him and their desire to protect him put them in a more active role, making them feel capable of changing their own lives rather than believing they need a superhero to save them. Flowers In the story, flowers come to symbolize the lives of the villagers and their own sense of efficacy in improving their lives. We are told at the beginning of the story that the houses in the village had stone courtyards with no flowers and which were spread about on the end of a desertlike cape. This creates a barren and desolate image. When the women are in awe of the drowned man, they passively imagine that he could bring improvement to their lives. They speculate that he would have put so much work into his land that springs would have burst forth from among the rocks so that he would have been able to plant flowers on the cliffs. But there is no suggestion that they themselves or their husbands could put forth this kind of effort and change their village. But thats before their compassion allows them to see their own ability to act. It takes a group effort to clean the body, to sew large enough clothes for it, to carry the body, and to stage an elaborate funeral. They even have to enlist the help of neighboring towns to get flowers. Further, because they do not want him to be orphaned, they choose family members for him, and through him all the inhabitants of the village became kinsmen. So not only have they worked as a group, they have also become more emotionally committed to each other. Through Esteban, the townspeople are united. They are cooperative. And they are inspired. They plan to paint their houses gay colors and dig springs so they can plant flowers. But by the end of the story, the houses have yet to be painted and the flowers have yet to be planted. But whats important is that the villagers have stopped accepting â€Å"the dryness of their courtyards, the narrowness of their dreams.† They are determined to work hard and make improvements, they are convinced that they are capable of doing so, and they are united in their commitment to realize this new vision.

Hobbes and His Pessimistic View of the Humankind Essay - 1

Hobbes and His Pessimistic View of the Humankind - Essay Example This paper illustrates that Hobbes had a political view that people do not have any rights thus should concede all their privileges to the government in exchange for life. Moral actions are right acts initiated by a human being. Therefore, accepting Hobbes argument for following rules so as to avoid punishment is not acting morally due to various reasons and among them is the fact that the action does not spring from our will. That is because it is an action that people perform mechanically since it is not out of their will. Besides, the action is only performed to avoid the punishment instead of being carried out to yield positive results. The reason is that the morality of an action depends on the intention of the doer rather than controlling its results. Moreover, for an action to be regarded as moral there should be no self-interest behind it thus submitting to the Sovereign so as to maintain peace is not acting morally. If the action were motivated by the fear of God and not of political rule, the action would be considered as a moral act. It is because people would be performing it in to safeguard the ethics defined in the Bible instead of gaining from it.

Ethics Reflection Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Ethics Reflection Paper - Essay Example The stakeholders are any persons dealing with the company directly and indirectly from its work force, clients and the general public in which the organization operates. The organization ensures the development of ethical guidelines and standards, and its implementation followed by each and every member of the organization. This can be done through training and cultivation of an ethical culture, which would enable the satisfaction of each and every stakeholder. Good ethical principles in an organization increase customer satisfaction and retention translating into better financial standings at all times, with healthier profit margins. There is also better retention of employees and customer confidence from the public and regulatory authorities, which is suitable for business. High ethical standards can be achieved through strategic planning and development of an ethical oriented business culture. This is through training and reinforcement of ethical codes of conduct by policies and r egulations in an organization. Corporate social responsibility has become an integral part of the business organization strategic planning tool. ... CSR plays a crucial role in the long term premeditated setting up of a business in the recruitment and retention of competitive employees (Habisch, 2005). An exemplary corporate social responsibility policy that focuses on stakeholder satisfaction improves an organization’s perception by potential recruits and employees, which also boosts productivity and efficiency in organization operations. Strategic planning in managing potential risk from corruption, health scandals and environmental accidents has been the greatest task in business organizations (Eisingerich & Ghardwaj, 2011). A crisis can bring reputable organizations down from the effects of lost customer confidence, which results in low sales. However, social responsibility policies implemented to prevent any scandal emerging in an organization helps in strategically avoiding this. Corporate social responsibility also gives an organization a competitive edge over its competitors in the international markets through cus tomer satisfaction and loyalty. Comprehensive customer responsibility policies also open up more markets through fewer legal hindrances to operate. This is because governments are increasingly giving health safety and environmental conservation priority when licensing new organizations. Discuss how your ethical perspective has evolved throughout the UOP MBA program The MBA program has changed my ethical perspectives approach to management, obligations to self, society, and means to achieve personal and organizational goals. Ethics and social responsibility training expose people to different and varied ways of decision making, management, and strategic

MODERN JEWISH HISTORY Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

MODERN JEWISH HISTORY - Essay Example As a result, the individuals are likely to be converted, marry or get married and get full recognition into the said community as the process reaches advanced stages. However, in the case of the Jews, there have been historical issues that have surrounded their assimilation because of the various injustices they had to face. In the light of this observation, this paper will examine the various issues that led Jews to assimilation in order to shield themselves from persecutions given their minority status historically. The paper will be two phased with the first section discussing the assimilation process in the east and west, the second part will look at the case of assimilation in Poland. Assimilation in the East and West One of the great influences of the Jewish community in these regions was the impact of religious bearing between Judaism and the other religions For instance, the inferior nature of the community that practices Judaism as compared to their Christian counterparts is assumed to be a fact. As a result, the people who may be living in other nations may not be considered to belong because of the difference in culture or some mutual obligations that bind the group together. On the other hand, the assimilated groups in other nations may tend to treat their Jewish status as an embarrassment and therefore a non issue in the process of integration. As many people accepted these stereotypes, there were continued calls for assimilation into Christianity since it provided a good opportunity of the development of personal goals. In effect, Christianity therefore remained the dominant religion in such regions. Moreover, the desire to assimilate and become â€Å"terminal Jews† was popular because of the younger generations who were vulnerable to stigma and exclusion in the society. Through this, being a Jew was becoming meaningless in the eastern and western societies. Anybody with that identity was considered an outsider and therefore the hastening o f the assimilation process for fear of being abandoned or even persecuted. This in effect created a condition where the Jews in the regions dominated by other religions conform and re-align their faith and integrate with the others. As a result, there came â€Å"liberal Judaism† that seemed to have done away with the strict requirements of the Jewish law including all the theological guidelines and other religious beliefs and practices. By arguing that inclusiveness is the main foundation of Judaism, those in support for assimilation therefore were inclined towards the ethics of "prophetic Judaism". The Jewish intellectuals stressed individual moral independence, rational conduct and inclusiveness. Consequently, this idea became popular and gave rise to a ‘Judeo-Christian ethic approach’ in most of the regions of the western nations. Christians were comfortable with this approach because they were trying to reconnect to their ethics that emerged from the propheti c teachings of biblical Judaism. They also wanted to claim the legitimacy of Christianity as the designated owner of the Judaism as practiced in the biblical Israel. On the other hand, the Jews supported this because they wanted to demonstrate that in terms of ethics, they were similar to Christians and hence were supportive of them. In America, as opposed to Europe, Jews were not bothered with having to fight for their basic civil and human rights. Jewish ethics as fought

Nature vs. Nurture Essay Example for Free

Nature vs. Nurture Essay A lot of people wonder where they get their freckles from, or their edgy and thrill seeking personality. This type of curiosity about where people get their traits from brings about the worldwide debate on nature vs. nurture. There are scientists who argue that people develop characteristics mainly based on their genetic makeup, and then their are people who say that environment and social interactions has more to do with a person’s traits than do genes. People often question why people are the way they are. Nature and Nurture often have a big impact on a person, and can help in explaining why they are a certain way. The nature vs. nurture debate encompasses a variety of major topics, leading to the idea that both nature and nurture influences people in their behaviors and decisions. Criminals go through different reasoning processes for why they commit a crime. They may have been brought up in a rough environment and are acting out, or because they simply just can not control themselves or their minds. There is evidence which suggests that there could be such a thing as gene mutations that determine our traits. These mutations control how the mind and body react to anger , whether it’s aggressively or controlled. According to Adriel Bettelheim, â€Å"researchers studying a dysfunctional Dutch family announced in 1993 that aggressive behavior may be linked to a single faulty gene that causes a shortage of enzymes needed to break down serotonin molecules that transmit signals in the brain.† This idea that criminal behavior may be associated with genetics, opens the doors to many controversial topics such as the insanity defense or the possibility of gene therapy. â€Å"For many centuries, people have tried to craft legal distinctions for the mentall y ill based on the belief that they should not be held fully responsible for their actions† (). The insanity defense is believed to often be abused and is the easy way out for guilty criminals to be held accountable. There are also people who support the insanity defense and say that the law needs to protect people who are too mentally ill to understand their actions. For some criminals, it’s not just a matter of their genes but more their environment that contributes to why they commit crimes. â€Å"Many social scientists say researchers, in a rush to ‘biologize’ behavior, are ignoring environmental influences, such as poverty, broken families and  racism† (). A lot of times the reason why criminals get in trouble with the law, is because they are acting out. Being aggressive or going against authority is like their coping strategy for dealing with their problems. †The frequency and nature of todays violence can only point toward an inherent anger or frustration† (). Ultimately, both nature and nurture can affect criminals and people ma y never be able to fully understand what exactly leads them to make bad choices. In addition to criminal behavior, there are also many other controversial topics regarding nature vs. nurture, such as intelligence and what contributes to peoples intellectual ability. â€Å"Mental ability seems closely related to the volume of those little gray cells in the brain; and differences in that volume seem to be largely a result of heredity†().Scientists are finding that intelligence goes along with the amount of brain cells (gray cells) towards the front of the brain which can be inherited through the family. There is evidence which suggests that if a person does really well with one mental task, they are more than likely to do really well on other mental tests as well. This concept is considered the general mental ability which is associated with those gray cells. Although intelligence is found as being directly associated with the brain cells, many people believe that intelligence is also based on a person’s environment and how they learn. For a lot of people intellectual ability is not purely genetic. Their intelligence can have a lot to do with how they were brought up or their environment in which they learned. Someone who goes to school regularly will probably have a higher intelligence level, versus someone who doesn’t. How people start off learning is also important because often times, if a child is intellectually stimulated at earlier ages, their brain will mature as the child gets older and that child will have a higher intellectual ability because they started learning sooner. IQ testing is a very controversial topic because many people disagree over whether or not it is a good judge of a persons actual intelligence. â€Å"The rift between psychologists over the value of IQ tests stems from a stark difference in the w ay they define intelligence: One camp sees a central, dominant intelligence, the other envisions multiple types of intelligence† (). Although scientists have not found hard evidence to prove that IQ tests are  not liable, social scientists continue to go against certain theories, such as the idea of general mental ability. They choose to believe and promote that there are different kinds of intelligence and everyone excels in different areas regardless of genetics. While genetics does play a role in intelligence, if a person works hard in achieving their goals they can become just as intelligent through challenging themselves and excelling in certain areas. The worldwide debate on nature vs. nurture also encompasses addiction. In a study about drug addictions researchers found, â€Å"the correlations with psychoactive substance use largely resulted from social environmental factors in adolescence† (). Family environments are important to young children and can have a huge affect on them as they get older. An unstable family life can cause people to resort to drugs or alcohol to help them deal with their emotions. If a child has social issues with their friends when they are young, that can affect them as well and cause them to resort to substance abuse to deal with their problems. â€Å"As people aged, however, more of the correlation in psychoactive substance use resulted from genetic factors†(). As substances such as alcohol are more readily available to adults, genetics can influence them more and also their decisions. If there is a history of substance abuse in the family, that person is more likely to become addicted in their lifetime. In the 1920’s, â€Å"Alcohol prohibition lead to a rise in violent organized crime, a trend critics have compared to the ongoing war on drugs(). Because so many citizens used alcohol and a lot of them apparently became dependent on it, they felt they had rights to it; so they organized a violent crime movement to prove that. People who were involved in this war with drugs were not just the poor or downtrodden, but also the middle class and the wealthy. Addiction has no boundaries, and can affect anyone whether it is through nature or nurture. Nature vs nurture will always be a major dispute over genes and environment, but ultimately they both have an impact on people. The reasoning behind criminal behavior is often questioned. Evidence that suggests there are gene mutations, which contribute to aggressive behavior, argues that nature can have a major role in criminal behavior, just like nature affects criminals  actions. In addition to criminal behavior, another worldwide topic discussed in the nature vs nurture debate is intelligence. Like mentioned earlier, intelligence is thought to be determined by genes and general mental ability; but there are social scientists who believe that there are many different types of intelligence, determined by environment and not just genetic make up. Addiction is another controversial subject because addiction can run in families but it also can happen to someone who had no history of it. Addiction also is very much related to a persons environment and how they deal with their problems. For those who wonder where they get their intelligence and edgy personality, or more seriously why they feel aggressive, or become addicted to drugs, think about nature and nurture , which contribute to peoples personality and traits.

Social Networks among Teachers

Social Networks among Teachers CHAPTER 1 The Social Fabric of Elementary School Teams: How Network Content Shapes Social Networks [1] ABSTRACT Background. Social networks among teachers are receiving increased attention as a vehicle to support the implementation of educational innovations, foster teacher development, and ultimately, improve school achievement. While researchers are currently studying a variety of teacher network types for their impact on educational policy implementation and practice, knowledge on how various types of networks are interrelated is limited. Moreover, studies that examine the dimensionality that may underlie various types of social networks in schools are scarce. Purpose. The goal of this chapter was to increase our understanding of how network content shapes social network structure in elementary school teams. The study examines the extent to which various work-related (instrumental) and personal (expressive) social networks among educators are related. In addition, we explore a typology of social networks in schools and investigate whether the common distinction between instrumental and expressive social networks could be validated in the context of elementary school teams. Method. Social network data were collected among 775 educators from 53 elementary schools in a large educational system in the Netherlands. The interrelatedness of seven social networks was assessed using the Quadratic Assignment Procedure (QAP) correlations. Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) was used to discern underlying dimensions that may explain the observed similarities. Finally, we describe and visualize the seven networks in an exemplary sample school. Conclusions. Findings suggest small to moderate similarity between the social networks under study. Results support the distinction between instrumental and expressive networks in school teams and suggest a second dimension of mutual in(ter)dependence to explain differences in social relationships between educators. The social fabric of elementary school teams; How network content shapes social networks INTRODUCTION The rapidly growing interest in social networks can be characterized as one of the major trends in social science research. According to scientific databases (ERIC, Picarta, and Web of Science), the number of publications in social sciences using the word ‘social network(s) in the title, keywords, or abstract, has increased exponentially over the last two decades (Borgatti Foster, 2003) (see 1). Evidence of this trend in education is exhibited by an increasing number of articles focusing on the intersection of social networks and education in a growing variety of settings and areas of emphasis. The thesis that ‘relationships matter is currently inspiring educational researchers around the world to study social networks in school teams (Daly, in press; Daly Finnigan, 2009; Daly et al., in press; McCormick, Fox, Carmichael, Procter, in press; Penuel, Riel, Krause, Frank, 2009) (see also 1). An important prerequisite for gaining insights in the potential of social networ ks for schools is the emergence of social network studies that provide a deepened understanding of the structure and content of teachers professional relationships (Coburn Russell, 2008). Social network scholars emphasize that social networks are shaped by the content or purpose of the social resources that are exchanged in the network (Burt, 1992; Coleman, 1990; Lin, 2001; Putnam, 2000; Scott, 2000; Wasserman Faust, 1997). Studies suggest that the distribution of resources in a network may depend on the content of the network (Haines Hurlbert, 1992; Raider Burt, 1996). For instance, a social network that is maintained for the purpose of exchanging work related knowledge and expertise may look significantly different from a social network that is created for personal support. Even though both social networks contain social resources that may be accessed and leveraged, both networks may be shaped quite differently. Several scholars have therefore voiced the need to examine multiple relationships simultaneously (Friedkin, 2004; Ibarra Andrews, 1993; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001; Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 1998; Monge Contractor, 2003; Pustejovsky Spillane, 200 9; Wasserman Faust, 1997). Yet, few studies have been conducted into the ways in which social networks are shaped differently depending on the content of their ties (Hite, Williams, Baugh, 2005; Moolenaar, Daly, Sleegers, in press). The goal of this chapter is to examine the extent to which multiple social networks among educators are shaped differently depending on their content. We will address this goal by exploring the similarity between multiple social networks in school teams and working towards a typology of social networks in school teams according to underlying dimensions. Our enquiry is guided by social network theory and the social network concept of ‘network multiplexity. In short, network multiplexity is concerned with the ‘overlap between social networks that transfer different content among the same individuals. With this chapter, we aim to contribute to recent knowledge on the nature of social networks in school teams by comparing and contrasting different networks (e.g., friendship, advice) in 53 Dutch elementary schools located in a single district. We will start with an overview of social network theory and network multiplexity as these provide the conceptual background to the stud y. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Social network theory A growing body of educational research points to the potential of social networks to affect teachers instructional practice, and ultimately, benefit student achievement (Coburn Russell, 2008; Daly et al., in press; Penuel, Frank, Krause, 2007; Penuel Riel, 2007). Building on social network theory, these studies examine the extent to which the pattern of relationships among teachers and the exchange of resources within these relationships may support or constrain school functioning and improvement. An important feature of social network theory is the focus on both the individual actors and the social relationships linking them (Wasserman Galaskiewicz, 1994). Through social interaction among educators, social relationships develop into a patchwork of ties that knit the social fabric of school teams (Field, 2003; Putnam, 2000). Social network theory argues that the quality and denseness of this social fabric eventually determines the speed, direction and flow of resources through a social network (Burt, 1992). In turn, it is through the flow and use of social resources that collective action may be facilitated and organizational goals may be achieved (Lin, 2001; Lochner, Kawachi, Kennedy, 1999). For instance, strong social relationships are suggested to facilitate joint problem solving, lower transaction costs, and support the exchange of complex, tacit knowledge among network members (Hansen, 1999; Putnam, 1993; Uzzi, 1997). Studies into social networks among educators have focused on various types of social networks that connect teachers within and between schools, such as discussion about curricular issues (content, teaching materials, planning), communication around reform, seeking advice, and friendship among teachers (Coburn Russell, 2008; Cole Weinbaum, 2007; Daly Finnigan, 2009, Hite, Williams, Baugh, 2005; Pustejovsky Spillane, 2009). While some studies focus on a single relationship (Coburn Russell, 2008), others include and contrast multiple relationships (Cole Weinbaum, 2007; Pustejovsky Spillane, 2009), although not for the purpose of explicating their similarities or differences per se. Therefore, what is less clear is whether educators social networks are shaped by the content that defines their ties (Hite, Williams, Hilton, Baugh, 2006; Podolny Baron, 1997). Insights in the way network content shapes collegial relationships is important for understanding the extent to which teach ers professional relationships may affect educational practice. As Little (1990) marks: ‘It is precisely such â€Å"content† that renders teachers collegial affinities consequential for pupils. This insight can be provided by investigating network multiplexity and exploring a typology of social networks in school teams. Network multiplexity In social network terms, multiplex relationships are relationships that serve multiple interests or are characterized by a multiplicity of purposes (Gluckman, 1955, 1965). In other words, multiplexity focuses on the extent to which there is overlap between different social relationships, for instance advice and friendship. Many studies focus on multiplex exchanges within a single relationship, for instance, whether a relationship between two individuals is characterized by the exchange of both work related advice and friendship (De Klepper, Van de Bunt, Groenewegen, 2007; Hansen, Mors, Lovas, 2005; Hite et al., 2006; Hite, Williams, Baugh, 2005, Koehly Pattison, 2005; Lazega Pattison, 1999; Lomi, 2002). Less attention has been paid to the issue of multiplexity in regard to whole networks. To advance social network theory in this direction, this chapter therefore focuses on multiplexity of whole networks. Meaning, we will examine the overlap between whole networks among the same s et of individuals that are characterized by a multiplicity of purposes. Multiplex relationships that serve multiple purposes are suggested to be stronger than relationships that only serve a single purpose, and individuals who are connected through multiplex networks will have greater success in accessing and mobilizing resources (Kapferer, 1969; Doreian, 1974). Multiplex, or multi-dimensional social networks have been studied outside education to validate name generator questions (Ruan, 1998), to examine the pattern of relationships among lawyers (Lazega Pattison, 1999), to differentiate between different types of support networks (Bernard et al., 1990) and advice networks (Cross, Borgatti, Parker, 2001). Yet, knowledge on the extent to which social networks in school teams can be differentiated is scarce. Towards a typology of social networks in school teams Teacher-to-teacher exchange can be captured by a variety of references that all refer to some form of collegiality (Little, 1990; Rosenholtz, 1989), such as sharing, giving advice, discussing work, and collaborating. Little (1990) argues that these exchanges are not just a straightforward collection of activities, but rather ‘phenomenologically discrete forms that vary from one another in the degree to which they induce mutual obligation, expose the work of each person to the scrutiny of others, and call for, tolerate, or reward initiative in matters of curriculum and instruction (p. 512). Little (1990) places various collegial forms on a dimension of mutual interdependence, with storytelling as an example of collegiality that entails low mutual interdependence, and joint work as an example of collegiality that involves high interdependence. She poses that a shift on this dimension toward increased interdependence relates to changes in the frequency and intensity of teachers in teractions and the likelihood of mutual influence. Moreover, increased interdependence poses rising demands for collective autonomy and teacher-to-teacher initiative (Little, 1990). While this dimension of mutual interdependence could serve as a valuable guide in typifying various forms of social relationships in school teams, it has not yet received much empirical attention. Given the popularity of social network studies in education, the question in which forms the amorphous concept of ‘collegiality permeates teachers daily practice is more relevant than ever before. Another useful dimensionality of social relationships that has become common practice in social network research is the distinction between instrumental and expressive relationships (Ibarra, 1993, 1995). These distinct relationships are believed to provide different kinds of support and transfer unique knowledge and information (Erickson, 1988). Instrumental relationships encompass social interactions that are ultimately aimed at achieving organizational goals, such as work related advice or collaboration. Instrumental ties are believed to be ‘weak ties through which work related information and knowledge is exchanged between experts and people who seek information (Granovetter, 1973). Expressive relationships are formed through social interaction that is not directly aimed at work related issues, that often places the individuals interest above that of the organization (Burt, 1997), and that is mostly characterized by an affective component, such as personal support and friend ship. In general, expressive ties are believed to be stronger, more durable and trustworthy, and offer greater potential to exert social influence (Granovetter, 1973; Ibarra, 1993; Marsden, 1988; Uzzi, 1997). Increased understanding of a typology of social networks in school teams is indicated as social network studies often examine various types of networks without specifically addressing differences between the social networks under investigation[2]. By exploring multiple social networks this chapter not only aims to deepen our insights in the social fabric of school teams, but also addresses the validity of the common instrumental-expressive distinction in the context of education. The boundaries between instrumental and expressive relationships are fuzzy and often tend to overlap (Borgatti Foster, 2003). In addition, recent research has suggested that one type of relationship can in part determine or reinforce another type of relationship (Casciaro Lobo, 2005). Since a systematic investigation of multiple networks in school teams is missing, this chapter is one of the earliest to explore a typology of social networks in school teams. In addition to advancing social network theory, t he study thereby offers a unique insight in the social fabric of Dutch elementary schools. METHOD Context We conducted a survey study at 53 elementary schools in south of The Netherlands. The schools resided under a single district board that provided the schools with IT, financial, and administrative support. The schools participated in the study as part of a district-wide school improvement program focused on school monitoring and teacher development. The 53 sample schools were located in rural as well as urban areas and served a student population ranging from 53 to 545 students in the age of 4 to 13. While the schools differed slightly regarding students SES and ethnicity, the schools student population can be considered as rather homogeneous in comparison to the Dutch average. Sample All principals and teachers were asked to participate in the survey study. A total of 51 principals and 775 teachers responded to this call, reflecting a return rate of 96.8 %. Of the sample, 72.9 % was female and 52.5 % worked full-time (32 hours or more). The age of educators in the sample ranged from 21 to 63 (M = 45.7, sd = 10.7). Additional sample characteristics are included Table 1 and 2. Instruments Social networks. To discern common types of interaction among teachers in elementary education, we interviewed seventeen elementary school teachers, two principals and one coach[3] who volunteered in reaction to a canvas call among the personal social network contacts of the principal researcher. We asked the educators to describe a regular work week and give examples of the types of social interaction they had with their colleagues. The hour-long interviews were audio-recorded and conducted using a semi-structured interview guide (Patton, Table 1. Sample demographics of schools and educators (N = 53, n = 775) Individual level Gender Male 210 (27.1 %) Female 565 (72.9 %) Working hours Part time (less than 32 hours) 368 (47.5 %) Full time (32 hours or more) 407 (52.5 %) Experience 1-3 years 152 (19.6 %) at school 4-10 years 256 (33.0 %) > 11 years 367 (47.4 %) Grade level[4] Lower grade (K 2) 353 (45.4 %) Upper grade (3 6) 422 (54.5 %) School level Team experience 6 months to 2 years More than 2 years 20 (37.8 %) 33 (62.2 %) Table 2. Sample demographics of schools and educators (N = 53, n = 775) N Min. Max. M Sd Individual level Age 775 21 63 45.7 10.7 School level Gender ratio[5] 53 57.0 100.0 76.8 10.7 Average age 53 35.4 52.8 45.3 3.7 Number of students 53 53 545 213 116.6 Team size 53 6 31 14.8 6.8 Socio-economic status (SES) [6] 53 0.4 47.3 7.9 9.5 1990; Spradley, 1980). We analyzed the interview data using a constant comparative analysis method (Boeije, 2002; Glaser Strauss, 1967). We compared perspectives of educators with different formal roles and at different grade levels, grouped different forms of social interaction mentioned by the educators, and checked and rechecked emerging types of social interaction (Miles Huberman, 1994). From this preliminary analysis, we deduced seven social networks that capture the forms of social interaction as described by the interviewed educators. As a member-check procedure (Miles Huberman, 1994), these social networks were then shared with a new group of educators. This group comprised eleven principals and six teachers who formed a pilot sample to establish face validity of the social network questions. Based on their comments, slight adjustments were made that resulted in the final questions to assess social networks of educators in elementary school teams (see Table 3). We include discussing work as social interaction concerning the discussion of work related issues. The nature of teaching requires the accumulation, transfer and exchange of ideas, experiences, expertise, and knowledge, all which can be shared through the discussing of work with colleagues (Monge Contractor, 2003). Discussing work can be regarded a general form of resource exchange related to work and can pertain to various topics, such as instruction, planning, or use of teaching materials. Collaboration refers to joint work among educators who are collectively responsible for the product of collaboration, and as such, collaborative relationships address collective action among teachers (Little, 1990). Interaction through collaboration may offer valuable opportunities for the exchange of knowledge and ideas, and the alignment of shared goals and expectations. Given the nature of schools as ‘loosely coupled systems (Weick, 1976) and the relative autonomy that teachers have in their classrooms (Lortie, 2002), collaboration in Dutch elementary schools often follows formal task hierarchy and is prescribed by formal roles, such as coaches or social support specialists. However, collaboration may also be voluntary, such as participating in a committee for a specific event. Asking for advice is of interest to the study of teacher networks since receiving advice may be part of ongoing teacher development and may facilitate the adoption and implementation of reform and innovation in schools (Moolenaar, Daly Sleegers, in press). Asking for advice addresses the issue of ‘who seeks out whom for work-related advice and thereby, in contrast to the previous types of instrumental interaction, implies an interdependence of knowledge, expertise, or information between the advice-seeker and the advice-giver. For the advice-giver, advice relationships are a powerful tool to gain social control as they convey information and disclose vulnerability and risk-taking on the part of the advice-seeker. Research has indicated than advice-seekers often seek advice from people with a higher status than the advice-seeker (Blau, 1964; Lazega Van Duijn, 1997). Table 3. The seven social network questions to assess social networks in Dutch elementary school teams Social network questions (in Dutch) Met welke collegas kunt u goed over uw werk praten? Met welke collegas werkt u het liefst samen? Aan welke collegas vraagt u meestal advies over uw werk? Met welke collegas brengt u graag pauzes door? Met welke collegas heeft u wel eens meer persoonlijke gesprekken? Met welke collegas spreekt u wel eens buiten het werk? Welke collegas beschouwt u als vrienden? English equivalent of the original Dutch question Whom do you turn to in order to discuss your work? With whom do you like to collaborate the most? Whom do you go to for work related advice? With whom do you like to spend your breaks? Whom do you go to for guidance on more personal matters? Who do you sometimes speak outside work? Who do you regard as a friend? Network Discussing work Collaboration Asking advice Spending breaks Personal guidance Contact outside work Friendship The interviewed educators mentioned spending breaks as another important form of social interaction. During breaks, teachers may exchange many types of resources, both work related and personal. Relationships based on spending breaks may be seen as mostly expressive since, according to the interviewed educators, breaks imply ‘off the job moments in which teachers may discuss personal issues or social conversation more easily than during formal meetings. Another social relationship among educators involves going to a colleague for personal guidance and to discuss personal matters. This form of interaction explicitly addresses the informal, personal nature of relationships. A relationship around personal guidance and the discussion of personal matters implies a certain level of trust between the people involved in the relationship. Such a personal bond is believed to be more strong and durable than work related relationships such as work related collaborative exchange (Granovetter, 1973). Whereas ‘spending breaks and ‘personal guidance may be described as ‘friendly relationships, the next two relationships tap into interaction that more specifically addresses ‘friendship (Kurth, 1970). The next social relationship, according to the interviewed educators, entails having contact outside work. When teachers have frequent contact with one another outside school, this may indicate a relationship that is built on more personal grounds than work. Therefore, having contact outside work may be a good indicator of some sort of friendship or strong bond, even though both individuals may not define the relationship as a friendship relationship (Ibarra, 1992; Zagenczyk, Gibney, Murrell Boss, 2008). The final social relationship addresses friendship. Friendship is included in many social network studies as the prototypical expressive relationship (e.g., Cole Weinbaum, 2007; Lazega Pattison, 1999) as friendship expresses personal affect and social support (Gibbons, 2004). Individuals depend on friends for counseling and companionship (Krackhardt Stern, 1988), and friendship ties facilitate open and honest communication that may boost organizational change (Gibbons, 2004). These seven social network questions were included in a social network survey to assess social relationships among educators. Respondents were provided with a school specific appendix that contained the names of the school team members of their school, accompanied by a letter combination for each school team member (e.g., Mr. Jay Hoffer[7] = AB). They were asked to answer each social network question by writing down the letter combination(s) of the coworker(s) they would like to indicate as being a part of their social network as specified by the question. The number of colleagues a respondent could answer was unlimited. Data analysis Social network analysis. The data were examined using social network analysis. Social network analysis is a technique to systematically analyze patterns of relationships in order to understand how individual action is situated in structural configurations (Scott, 2000; Valente, 1995). We first constructed matrices for each network question for each school. The matrices were compiled following the same procedure, namely if educator i nominated educator j as an advice relationship, a 1 was entered in cell Xij. If educator i did not nominate educator j, a 0 was entered in cell Xij. This procedure resulted in an asymmetric matrix that summarized all directed relationships among the educators within a single school. To explore and describe the networks, several social network properties at both the individual and school level were calculated based on the matrices using software package Ucinet 6.0 (Borgatti, Everett, Freeman, 2002; Borgatti, Jones Everett 1998; Burt, 1983). Individual level properties include raw and normalized scores for out-degree and in-degree, and ego-reciprocity. Out-degree depicts the number of people nominated by the respondent, and can therefore be interpreted as a measure of individual activity. In-degree represents the number of people by whom the respondent was nominated, and can be read as a measure of individual popularity. The raw scores of in- and out-degree encompassed the actual number of educators that were named by the respondents. Because the average in-degree is the same as the average out-degree (each out-going relationship for one educator also implies an in-coming relationship for another educator), we only report the average in-/out-degree. The standard deviations of the out- and in-degrees reflect the variability among educators in the amount of out-going and in-coming relationships, and may thus be different for the out-degrees and in-degrees. For instance, educators may vary greatly in the number of relationships they indicate to have, but there may be less variability in the number of relationships that educators receive. The range of the average raw scores varies from 0 to 14.8 since this is the average team size of the sample schools. Besides these raw scores, we also report normalized scores for out-degree and in-degree to facilitate comparisons among schools with different team sizes . The normalized scores can be interpreted as the percentage of relationships of the whole network that an educator maintains. The normalized out- and in-degrees range from 0 (the educator has no relationships) to 100 (the educator has a relationship with all of his/her team members). Again, the average percentage of out-going relationships is the same as the average percentage of in-coming relationships. The standard deviations of the normalized out- and in-degrees mirror the variability among educators in the percentage of relationships that are sent (out-going) or received (in-coming). Ego-reciprocity is a measure of reciprocity at the individual level. Ego-reciprocity is calculated as the number of reciprocal relationships in which in educator is involved, divided by the total number of his/her relationships. Ego-reciprocity thus reflects the percentage of ties of an educator that is reciprocated. Ego-reciprocity ranges from 0 (none of the individuals relationships are reciprocated) to 100 (all of the individuals relationships are reciprocated). At the school level, we calculated the network measures of density, reciprocity, and centralization. Density represents the concentration of relationships in a social network, and is calculated by dividing the number of observed relationships by the total number of possible relationships in a given network. This means that the greater the proportion of social relationships between school staff members, the more dense the social network. The density of a schools network may range from 0 (there are no relationships in the school team) to 1 (all school team members have indicated to maintain a relationship with each other). The density of a network can be thought of as a measure of cohesion (Blau, 1977). A dense network is believed to be able to move resources more quickly than a network with fewer ties (Scott, 2000). Reciprocity captures the extent to which the relationships in a social network are reciprocal, and is calculated as the number of reciprocal relationships in a team, divided by the total possible number of reciprocal relationships. Higher levels of reciprocity have been associated with complex knowledge exchange and higher organizational performance (Kilduff Tsai, 2003). The reciprocity of a schools network may range from 0 (none of the relationships in the school team are reciprocated or mutual) to 1 (all of the relationships in the school team are reciprocated or mutual). In-centralization was included to examine the central tendency of the social networks. This measure assesses whether the relationships in a given network are evenly dispersed in a network, or whether the relationships are centralized around one (or a few) very central people, who receive many nominations. In-centralization is based on the variability of in-degrees within a given team. High in-centralization reflects a high variability in the school team between educators who are often nominated and educators who are seldom nominated. As such, centralization of a social network refers to the difference between one or a few highly central person(s) and other (more peripheral) people in the network. Centralization ranges from 0 (no variability all members of the network are chosen for advice as frequently) to 1 (maximum variability every educator in a network only nominates a single person in the network, while these educators themselves are not nominated at all). The more centralized the social network is, the more resources are disseminated by a single or a few influential people to the rest of the network. In contrast, relationships and resources in a decentralized social network are much more evenly shared among all school team members. Examining multiplexity To determine the similarity between the seven social networks within each school, we estimated a series of Quadratic Assignment Procedure (QAP) correlations in Ucinet (Borgatti, Everett, Freeman, 2002; Hanneman Riddle, 2005; Krackhardt, 1987). The QAP is a procedure to calculate correlations between social networks. When conducting social network research, statistical assumptions of independence are violated because relations between individuals are nested and embedded within the same network. Social network data are often interdependent, thus limiting the use of ‘conventional statistical techniques such as Pearson correlations. The QAP was designed as a variation on conventional correlational analyses for the use with social network data. The QAP follows a specific process. First, a Pearson correlation coefficient is calculated for two corresponding cells of two matrices that contain network data. Then, it randomly permutes the rows and columns of one of the matrices hundreds of times (each time computing a new correlation coefficient), and compares the proportion of times that these random correlations are larger than or equal to the original observed correlation. A low proportion (p